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Friday, July 10, 2009

Penduduk Uyghur Dilarang Tunai Solat Jumaat


Sumber berita : Utusan Online, 11 Julai 2009.

Penduduk Uighur dilarang tunai solat Jumaat


URUMQI 10 Julai - Penduduk Islam di Urumqi tidak dibenarkan menunaikan solat Jumaat hari ini apabila pihak berkuasa China mengarahkan masjid- masjid di ibu kota Xinjiang ini ditutup. Bagaimanapun, beberapa buah masjid akhirnya dibuka untuk solat tersebut, tetapi tidak dapat dipastikan sama ada pihak berkuasa telah menarik balik arahan berkenaan atau masjid itu dibuka kerana desakan orang ramai yang berhimpun di luar masjid. Polis dikerah berkawal untuk mencegah kekacauan etnik daripada meletus semula.


Penduduk Islam Uighur berkata, mereka telah diarah bersembahyang di rumah sementara pasukan bersenjata membanjiri jalan-jalan raya di sini, lima hari selepas pertempuran etnik yang menyebabkan sekurang-kurangnya 156 orang maut. "Kerajaan mengumumkan solat Jumaat tidak akan diadakan hari ini.


"Kami tidak boleh berbuat apa-apa, kerajaan takut penduduk akan menggunakan agama untuk menyokong 'tiga kuasa'," kata seorang lelaki Uighur bernama Tursun di luar masjid Hantagri, antara masjid yang tertua di ibu kota ini, sementara kira-kira 100 anggota polis bersenjatakan mesingan dan belantan berkawal di sekitarnya.


Kerajaan China merujuk 'tiga kuasa' kepada fahaman pelampau, fahaman pemisah dan keganasan. Beijing mendakwa ketiga-tiga kuasa tersebut cuba memisahkan Xinjiang dari bahagian lain negara ini.


Penduduk etnik Uighur yang berjumlah lapan juta di Xinjiang sudah lama mengadu mengalami penindasan agama, politik dan ekonomi di bawah pemerintahan China dan kemarahan yang sudah lama terpendam itu diluahkan pada Ahad lalu dalam bentuk protes yang kemudian bertukar menjadi ganas. Kerajaan China melaporkan 156 orang maut dan lebih 1,000 lagi cedera apabila penduduk Islam Uighur menyerang penduduk daripada kumpulan etnik utama di China, Han.


Namun kaum Uighur berkata, pasukan keselamatan bertindak keterlaluan terhadap protes yang berjalan secara aman.Mereka mendakwa sehingga 800 orang dipercayai terbunuh dalam kekacauan itu, termasuk semasa operasi pasukan keselamatan. - AFP


Thursday, July 9, 2009

SHURA demands China to protect rights of indegenous Uighur Muslims

SHURA demands China to protect rights of indegenous Uighur Muslims

Terus ke Komen
SHURA registers its shock and concern on the recent riot in the Xinjiang Province of West China involving an ethnic clash between the Han Chinese and the Uighur community killing more than 150 people.
The Uighur who are majority Muslims has been the indigenous community of the East Turkestan province and they have for a long while being mistreated by the Beijing regime since China’s occupation of the once independent state in 1949.
The recent clash is a result of the failure of the Chinese authorities to recognise the rights of the Uighur community , by bringing in the Han Chinese to the Xinjiang province creating an uneasy and strain relationship between the communities.
SHURA deplores the inability of the security forces to maintain peace and order and allow the situation to descend into violence of a bloody scale .
As quoted in an article by an historian , Michaiel Dillon “The violence in Xinjiang has not occurred completely out of the blue. Despite economic development, life for some Uighurs is said to be harder .Its root cause is ethnic tension between the Turkic Muslim Uighurs and the Han Chinese. It can be traced back for decades, and even to the conquest of what is now called Xinjiang by the Manchu Qing dynasty in the 18th Century. “
The Uighur Muslim has been under oppression for many years by the Communist regime who has denied the Muslim community to freely exercise their religious practises.
The recent clash was in fact a time bomb waiting to explode when the Uighur community has been cornered to survive under the bias treatment given to the Han Chinese who were brought into the province.
We demand that China grants the Uighur their liberty to practice the Islamic teachings and to treat them with fairness and with equal social and economic opportunities as given to the immigrants of Han Chinese.
The Chinese regime must take note that The Uighur people has been suffering through unjust treatment by the authorities. They have experienced harsher treatment based on religious restriction as compared with other religions.
In the 1940s there was an independent Eastern Turkestan Republic in part of Xinjiang, and many Uighurs feel that this is their birthright.
Instead, they became part of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, and Xinjiang was declared one of China’s autonomous regions, in deference to the fact that the majority of the population at the time was Uighur.
This autonomy is not genuine, and – although Xinjiang today has a Uighur governor – the person who wields real power is the regional secretary general of the Chinese Communist Party, Wang Lequan, who is a Han Chinese.
SHURA calls on the Chinese to exercise social and economic justice for the Uighur Muslim community and to refrain from curtailing their religious rights to practice Islam.
Abdul Ghani Samsuddin
Chairman SHURA

Tuesday, July 7, 2009

The Uygur Ethnic Group

Maklumat umum etnik Uygur Turkistan di dalam wilayah China menurut perspektif China.

The Uygur Ethnic Group
Population: 8,399,393
Major area of distribution: Xinjiang
Language: Uygur
Religion: Islam



Almost all the Uygurs are found in Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region which covers more than 1,709,400 square kilometers or approximately one sixth of China's total landmass, and is by far the biggest of the country's regions and provinces. It occupies much of the sparsely-populated northwest.

Besides the Uygur ethnic group, Han, Kazak, Hui, Mongolian, Kirgiz, Tajik, Xibe, Ozbek, Manchu, Daur, Tatar and Russian people also live in Xinjiang. The Uygurs is the largest ethnic group in Xinjiang. They believe in Islam.

The region is bounded by the Altay Mountains in the north, the Pamirs in the west, the Karakoram Mountains, Altun Mountains and Kunlun Mountains in the south. The Tianshan Mountains divide Xinjiang into northern and southern parts with very different climate and landscape. Southern Xinjiang includes the Tarim Basin and the Taklimakan Desert, China's largest, while northern Xinjiang contains the Junggar Basin, where the Karamay Oilfields and the fertile Ili River valley are situated. The Turpan Basin, the hottest and lowest point in China, lies at the eastern end of the Tianshan Mountains. The Tarim, Yarkant, Yurunkax and Qarran rivers irrigate land around the Tarim Basin, while the Ili, Irtish, Ulungur and Manas rivers flow through arable and pastoral areas in northern Xinjiang. Many of the rivers spill into lakes. The Lop Nur, Bosten (Bagrax), Uliungur and Ebinur lakes teem with fish.

Xinjiang's climate is dry and warm in the south, and cold in the north with plenty rainfall and snow. The Uygurs farm areas around the Tarim Basin and the Gobi Desert. Wheat, maize and paddy rice are the region's main grain crops, and cotton is a major cash crop. Since the 1950s, cotton has been grown in the Manas River valley north of 40 degrees latitude. The Tianshan Mountains are rich in coal and iron, the Altay in gold, and the Kunlun in jade. The region also has big deposits of non-ferrous and rare metals and oil, and rich reserves of forests and land open to reclamation.

History

Xinjiang has been part of China since ancient times. The Uygurs, together with other ethnic groups, opened up the region and have had very close economic and cultural ties with people in other parts of the country, particularly central China.

Xinjiang was called simply "Western Region" in ancient times. The Jiaohe ruins, Gaochang ruins, Yangqi Mansion of "A Thousand Houses," Baicheng (Bay) Kizil Thousand Buddha Grottoes, Bozklik Grottoes in Turpan, Kumtula Grottoes in Kuqa and Astana Tombs in Turpan all contain a great wealth of relics from the Western and Eastern Han dynasties (206 BC-AD 220). They bear witness to the efforts of the Uygurs and other ethnic groups in Xinjiang in developing China and its culture.

Zhang Qian, who lived in the second century BC, went to the Western Region as an official envoy in 138 and 119 BC, further strengthening ties between China and central Asia via the "Silk Road." In 60 BC, Emperor Xuan Di of the Western Han Dynasty established the Office of Governor of the Western Region to supervise the "36 states" north and south of the Tianshan Mountains with the westernmost border running through areas east and south of Lake Balkhash and the Pamirs.

During the Wei, Jin, Northern and Southern dynasties (220-581) the Western Reigon was a political dependent of the government in central China. The Wei, Western Jin, Earlier Liang (317-376), Earlier Qin (352-394) and Later Liang (386-403) dynasties all stationed troops and set up administrative bodies there. In 327, Zhang Jun of the Earlier Liang Dynasty set up in Turpan the Gao Chang Prefecture, the first of its kind in the region.

In the mid-seventh century, the Tang Dynasty established the Anxi Governor's Office in Xizhou (present-day Turpan, it later moved to Guizi, present-day Kuqa) to rule areas south and north of the Tianshan Mountains. The superintendent's offices in the Pamirs were all under the jurisdiction of the Anxi Governor's Office. In the meantime, four Anxi towns of important military significance – Guizi, Yutian (present-day Hotan), Shule (present-day Kaxgar) and Suiye (on the southern bank of the Chu River) – were established.

In the early eighth century, the Tang Dynasty added Beiting Governor's Office in Tingzhou (present-day Jimsar). The Beiting and Anxi offices, with an administrative and military system under them, implemented effectively the Tang government's orders.

In the early 13th century, Genghis Khan (1162-1227) appointed a senior official in the region. The Yuan Dynasty (1271-1368) established Bieshibali (present-day areas north of Jimsar) and Alimali (present-day Korgas) provinces. The Hami Military Command was set up during the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644). During the Qing Dynasty (1644-1911) the northern part of the Western Region, namely, north of Irtish River and Zaysan Lake, was under Zuo Fu General's Office in Wuliyasu. The General's Office in Ili exercised power over areas north and south of the Tianshan Mountains, east and south of Lake Balkhash and the Pamirs. Xinjiang was made a province in 1884, the 10th year of the reign of Emperor Guang Xu.

Uygur means "unity" or "alliance." The origin of the ethnic group can be traced back to the Dingling nomads in northern and northwestern China and in areas south of Lake Baikal and between the Irtish River and Lake Balkhash in the third century B.C. Some people maintain that the forefathers of the Uygurs were related to the Hans. The Dingling were later called the Tiele, Tieli, Chile or Gaoche (high wheel). The Yuanhe tribe reigned supreme among the Gaoche tribes during the fifth century A.D., and the Weihe among the Tiele during the seventh century. Several tribes rallied behind the Weihe to resist Turkic oppression.

These ancient Uighur people were finally conquered by Turkic Kirghiz in the mid-ninth century. The majority of the Uighurs, who were scattered over many areas, moved to the Western Region under the Anxi Governor's Office, and areas west of Yutian. Some went to the Tufan principality in western Gansu Province. The Uighurs who settled in the Western Region lived commingled with Turkic nomads in areas north of the Tianshan Mountains and western pasturelands as well as with Hans, who had emigrated there after the Western and Eastern Han dynasties. They intermarried with people in southern Xinjiang and Tibetan, Qidan (Khitan) and Mongol tribes, and evolved into the group now known as the Uygurs.

The Uygurs made rapid socio-economic and cultural progress between the ninth and the 12th centuries. Nomadism gave way to settled farming. Commercial and trade ties with central China began to thrive better than ever before. Through markets, they exchanged horses, jade, frankincense and medicines for iron implements, tea, silk and money. With the feudal system further established, a land and animal owners' class came into being, comprising Uygur khans and Bokes (officials) at all levels. After Islam was introduced to Kaxgar in the late 10th century, it gradually extended its influence to Shache (Yarkant) and Yutian, and later in the 12th century to Kuya and Yanqi, where it replaced Shamanism, Manichae, Jingism (Nestorianism, introduced to China during the Tang Dynasty), Ao'ism (Mazdaism) and Buddhism, which had been popular for hundreds of years. Western Region culture developed quickly, with Uygur, Han, Sanskrit, Cuili and Poluomi languages, calendars and painting styles being used. Two major centers of Uygur culture and literature – Turpan in the north and Kaxgar in the south – came into being. The large number of government documents, religious books and folk stories of this period are important works for students of the Uygur history, language and culture.

In the early 12th century, part of the Qidan tribe moved westward from north-east China under the command of Yeludashi. They toppled the Hala Khanate established by the Uygurs, Geluolu and other Turkic tribes in the 10th century, and founded the Hala Khanate of Qidan (Black Qidan), or Western Liao as it is now referred to by historians. The state of Gao Chang became its vassal state. After the rise of the Mongols, most of Xinjiang became the territory of the Jagatai Khanate. In the meantime, when many Hans were sent to areas either south or north of the Tianshan Mountains to open up waste land, many Uygurs moved to central China. The forefathers of the Uygurs and Huis in Changde and Taoyuan counties in Hunan Province today moved in that exodus. The Uygurs exercised important influence over politics, economy, culture and military affairs. Many were appointed officials by the Yuan court and, under the impacts of the Han culture, some became outstanding politicians, military strategists, writers, historians and translators.

The Uygur areas from Hami in the east to Hotan in the south were unified into a greater feudal separatist Kaxgar Khanate after more than two centuries of separatism and feuding from the late 14th century. As the capital was moved to Yarkant, it was also known as the Yarkant Khanate. Its rulers were still the offspring of Jagatai. During the early Qing period, the Khanate was a tributary of the imperial court and had commercial ties with central China. After periods of unsteady relations with the Ming Dynasty, the links between the Uygurs and ethnic groups in central China became stronger. Gerdan, chief of Dzungaria in northern Xinjiang, toppled the Yarkant Khanate in 1678 and ruled the Uygur area. The Qing army repelled in 1757 (the 22nd year of the reign of Emperor Qian Long) the separatist rebellion by the Dzungarian nobles instigated by the Russian Tsar, and in 1759 smashed the "Batu Khanate" founded by Poluonidu and Huojishan, the Senior and Junior Khawaja, in a separatist attempt.

The Qing government introduced a system of local military command offices in Xinjiang. It appointed the General in Ili as the highest Western Regional Governor of administrative and military affairs over northern and southern Xinjiang and the parts of Central Asia under Qing influence and the Kazak and Blut (Kirgiz) tribes. For local government, a system of prefectures and counties was introduced.

The imperial court began to appoint and remove local officials rather than allowing them to pass on their titles to their children. This weakened to some degree the local feudal system. The court also encouraged the opening up of waste land by garrison troops and local peasants, the promotion of commerce and the reduction of taxation, which were important steps in the social development of Uygur areas.

Xinjiang was completely under Qing Dynasty rule after the mid-18th century. Although political reforms had limited the political and economic privileges of the feudal Bokes (lords), and taxation was slightly lower, the common ethnic people's living standards did not change significantly for the better. The Qing officials, through local Bokes, exacted taxes even on "garden trees." The Bokes expanded ownership on land and serfs, controlled water resources and manipulated food grain prices for profit.

Harsh feudal rule and exploitation gave rise to the six-month-long Wushi (Uqturpan) uprising in 1765, the first armed rebellion by the Uygur people against feudalism. With the aim of preserving their rule and getting rid of Qing control, Uygur feudal owners made use of struggles between religious factions to whip up nationalism and cover up the worsening class contradictions. Zhangger, grandson of the Senior Khawaja, a representative of those owners, under the banner of religion and armed with British-supplied weapons, harassed southern Xinjiang many times from 1820 to 1828, but failed to win military victory.

Uprisings and foreign intervention

Not long after the outbreak of the Opium War, the Uygurs and Huis in Kuqa, influenced by rebellions of the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom and the Nian Army uprisings by ethnic minority peasants in Yunnan, Shaanxi and Gansu provinces, launched an armed uprising in 1864. People in Urumqi, Shache (Yarkant), Ili, Barkol, Qitai, Hami, Mori, Jimsar and Changji responded. Uprisings against the Qing court swept Xinjiang, and several separatist regimes came into being. However, a handful of national and religious upper elements usurped the fruits of the uprisings under the cloak of "ethnic interest" and "religion," and became self-styled kings or khans. The warfare that ensued among them brought still greater catastrophes to the local people.

Britain fostered Yukub Beg, the General Commander of the Kokand Khanate in 1865, who invaded Xinjiang and established the Zhedsar Khanate (Seven-City Khanate). Yukub Beg was a tool in the hands of Britain and Tsarist Russia, who wanted to split Xinjiang. He exercised cruel rule and, in the name of Allah, killed 40,000 non-Muslims in southern Xinjiang. His persecution was also extended to Islamic believers, who were tried at unfair "religious courts." The local people had to shoulder the war burdens, supplying warring factions with food grain, fuel, vehicles and draught animals, and the local economy suffered catastrophic damage. Bankrupt peasants fled, and some had to sell their children for a living. The slave trade boomed at local bazaars.

To preserve Russia's vested interest and maintain an equilibrium in influence with Britain in Central Asia, the Tsar, behind the back of the Qing Court, signed illegal commercial and trade treaties with Yukub Beg. Russia claimed that it could not "sit idle" while there were uprisings in the provinces in western China, and in the name of "recovery and defense upon request," it sent troops to occupy Ili in 1871 and started a 10-year period of colonial rule. The Russian troops forced people of the Uygur, Kazak, Hui, Mongolian and Xibe tribes into designated zones in a "divide and rule" policy. Many Uygurs had to flee their home towns, and moved to Huicheng and Dongshan.

It was in the interest of all ethnic groups to smash the Yukub Beg regime and recover Ili. So many local people supported the Qing troops when they overthrew Yukub Beg and recovered Xinjiang in 1877. However, not long after the Qing government had signed the "Sino-Russian Treaty of Peking" and the "Tahcheng Protocol on the Delimitation of the Sino-Russian Border," whereby China was compelled to cede 440,000 square kilometers of land to Russia, the Qing Court again concluded the "Ili Treaty" with Russia in 1881. Although China recovered Ili, it lost another 70,000 square kilometers of territory west of the Korgas River, and was charged nine million roubles compensation. On the eve of its withdrawal from Ili, Tsarist Russia coerced more than 10,000 Uygur, Hui, Mongolian, Kazak and Kirgiz people to move to Russia. Farmland, irrigation facilities, houses and orchards were devastated and food grain and animals looted. Five of nine cities in Ili became virtually ruins, and the Uygurs in the nine townships on the right bank of the Ili River were reduced to poverty.

The Qing government decided to make the Western Region – formerly ruled by the general stationed in Ili – a province named Xinjiang, a step of important significance for local development and the strengthening of the north-west border defense against imperialist aggression. Ties between the area and central China became closer, and there was greater unity between the Uygurs and other ethnic groups in the common struggle against imperialism and feudalism.

After the Revolution of 1911 which overthrew the Qing Dynasty, Qing rule was replaced by feudal warlords. Sheng Shicai, who claimed to be progressive, usurped power in Xinjiang in the "April 12" coup of 1933.

In the same year, Britain encouraged Mohamed Imin, who dreamed of a greater Turkey, to found the Hotan Islamic Republic, and Maula Shabitida, an advocate of greater Islam, to set up the East Turkistan Islamic Republic. Japanese imperialism in 1937 masterminded the plots by Mamti and Raolebas to form an "independent" Islamic state, and Mamti, in collaboration with Mahushan, rebelled. However, all these separatist efforts failed.

Contemporary history

In 1933, when China was at a crucial point in history, the Chinese Communist Party began revolutionary activities in Xinjiang aimed at peace, democracy and progress. Sheng Shicai had to take some progressive steps, and declared six major policies -- anti-imperialism, amity with the Soviet Union, national equality, honest government, peace and national reconstruction. In the same year, the "Anti-Imperialist Association of the People of Xinjiang" was formed, and the journal, "Anti-Imperialist Front," was published. Part of the Chinese Workers' and Peasants' Red Army went to Xinjiang in 1937. Later Sheng Shicai turned to the Kuomintang, persecuting the Communists, progressive people, patriotic youth and workers.

The Kuomintang began to rule Xinjiang in 1944, forcing sharper contradictions on the Uygurs and other ethnic groups. It exacted dozens of taxes under all kinds of pretexts. One example was the taxation on land. An average peasant had to pay well over 15 percent of annual income for it. The amount of taxes in terms of money was eight times the sum in 1937. Local industry and commerce virtually went bankrupt, and the situation for rural Uygurs was even worse.

Uprisings took place in Ili, Tacheng and Altay to oppose Kuomintang rule. They served to accelerate the liberation of the region in the national liberation war.

Tao Zhiyue, the Commandant of the Kuomintang Xinjiang Garrison, and Burhan Shahidi, Chairman of the Kuomintang Xinjiang Provincial Government, accepted Chinese Communist Party's peace terms, and revolted against the Kuomintang government in Nanjing, and Xinjiang was peacefully liberated in October, 1949.

Post-liberation development

The Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region was formally established on October 1, 1955. Five autonomous prefectures and six autonomous counties were set up in the following months. Ethnic minority autonomy became a reality.

Customs and habits

In the past, many poor Uygur farmers lived on a diet of narrow-leaved oleaster and dried apricot and peach, mulberry and grain porridge. Now, wheat flour, rice and maize are the staple foods. Uygurs in some areas like milk tea with baked maize or wheat cakes. Some are made by mixing flour with sugar, eggs, butter or meat and are delicious. Paluo (sweet rice), cooked with mutton, sheep fat, carrots, raisins, onions and rice, is an important festival food for guests.

The Uygurs' cotton growing and cotton yarn spinning industry has a long history. Working people usually wear cotton cloth garments. Men sport a long gown called a qiapan, which opens on the right and has a slanted collar. It is buttonless and is bound by a long square cloth band around the waist. Women wear broad-sleeved dresses and black waist coats with buttons sewn on the front. Some now like to wear Western-style suits and skirts. The Uygurs, old and young, men and women, like to wear a small cap with four pointed corners, embroidered with black and white or colored silk threads in traditional Uygur designs. The women's favorite decorations include earrings, bracelets and necklaces. Some paint their eyebrows and fingernails on grand festive occasions. Girls in the past combed their hair into a dozen pigtails, and regarded long hair as part of female beauty. After marriage, they usually wear two pigtails with loose ends, decorated on the head with a crescent-shaped comb. Some tuck up their pigtails into a bun.

Over the centuries, many mosques, mazas (Uygur complexes, nobles' tombs), theological seminaries and religious courts were set up in Uygur areas. Over the past few hundred years, religion has greatly influenced economic, judicial and educational affairs and the Uygur family and matrimonial system. Some of the rich people made use of religious rules to marry more than one wife, and had the right to divorce them at any time. The marriage of the ordinary Uygurs was mostly arranged by the parents. Male chauvinism was practiced in the family, and Uygur women, humiliated and with nobody to turn to, often retreated into prayer.

After 1949, feudal religious privileges were abolished, and religion was taken out of the control of the reactionary ruling class, and became a matter of individual conscience. As science and knowledge spread, many of the old feudalistic religious habits lost popularity. People can now decide for themselves whether the Sawm should be observed during Ramadan, how many naimazi (services) should be performed in a day and whether women in the street should wear veils.

As these matters do not affect normal religious belief, the Uygurs are beginning to enjoy a more genuine religious freedom. The family, marriage and property are under the protection of the law, and Uygur women enjoy equality with men. Many are now working alongside men in modern industries.

There are now more than a dozen million Moslems in the country, compared with eight million in the early post-1949 period. In 1953, the Chinese Islamic Association was established with Burhan Shahidi as its chairman. More than seven million people in Xinjiang believe in Islam, accounting for well over half of the national total. In the mid-1080s, there were 15,800 religious professionals, about 2,000 of whom were either deputies to the People's Congress or the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference at various levels, or worked in the regional or county branches of the Chinese Islamic Association. The region now boasts a total of 15,500 mosques or prayer centers, or one for almost every Moslem village.

Culture since the mid-20th century

Uygur culture and art, which have a long and rich tradition, has flourished. Uygur literature is very rich in style and subject matter. Many folk tales, parables, comedies, poems and proverbs praise the courage, wisdom and kindness of the ordinary people, while satirizing the greed, cruelty and foolishness of the exploiting classes. For instance, "The Tales of Afandi" contain stinging satire about the Bayis and Imams who bully the people.

Much of the written Uygur literature has been passed down from the 11th century, such as the epic "Kutadolu Biliq" (Blessings and Wisdom) by Yusuf Hass Hajib, and The Turkic Dictionary by Mohamu Kashgar, which are important works for students of ancient Uygur history, culture and language. More modern works include Maulabilalibin Maulayusuf's Wars on the Chinese Land, an epic describing the 1864 struggle of the Uygurs in Ili against the Qing government. Mutalifu, the patriotic and revolutionary poet, composed poems such as "Chinese Guerrillas," "Militant Girls" and "Love and Hatred" during the Anti-Japanese War. After 19949, much work has been done to collect, compile and publish classic and folk Uygur literature.

The Uygurs are excellent at dancing. The "12 Mukams" (opera) is an epic comprising more than 340 classic songs and folk dances. After liberation, this musical treasure, which was on the verge of being lost, was collected, studied and recorded. The "Daolang Mukams," popular in Korla, Bachu (Maralwexi), Markit and Ruoqiang (Qarkilik), is another suite with distinct Uygur flavor.

There is a wide variety of plucked, wind and percussion Uygur musical instruments, including the dutar, strummed rawap and dap. The first two are instruments with a clear and crisp tone for solo and orchestral performances. The dap is a sheepskin tambourine with many small iron rings attached to the rim. It is used to accompany dancing.

The Uygur dances, such as the "Bowls-on-Head Dance," "Drum Dance," "Iron Ring Dance" and "Puta Dance," feature light, graceful and quick-swinging choreography movements. The "Sainaim Dance" is the most popular, while the "Duolang Dance," sometimes referred to as a flower of Uygur folk culture, brims over with vitality. It depicts the hunting activities of the ancient people of Markit. The movements portray strength, wildness and enthusiasm. The "Nazilkum," popular in Turpan, Shanshan and Hami, fully reflects the Uygurs' optimism and gift for humor.

(China.org.cn June 21, 2005)

Wilayah Xinjiang Bergolak Lagi

Sumber berita : Berita Harian Online, 7 Julai 2009

140 maut rusuhan penduduk Muslim Uighur di Xinjiang

BERIBU-RIBU penduduk Muslim Uighur merusuh di Urumqi kelmarin dalam ketegangan etnik paling buruk di China dalam masa beberapa dekad.

Polis dituduh lepaskan tembakan membabi buta URUMQI: Sekurang-kurangnya 140 maut apabila penduduk Islam Uighur merusuh di wilayah Xinjiang dalam ketegangan etnik paling buruk di negara itu dalam masa beberapa dekad. Keganasan di ibu kota wilayah itu, Urumqi, kelmarin membabitkan beribu-ribu orang, kata agensi berita Xinhua melaporkan angka kematian berkemungkinan meningkat. Lebih 800 lagi cedera dalam kejadian itu. "Angka kematian di Xinjiang meningkat kepada 140 dan masih bertambah," menurut Xinhua dalam laporan terbaru, selepas pada awalnya berkata cuma tiga maut.

Agensi berita berkenaan, memetik kenyataan pegawai kerajaan tempatan, menyatakan 'beratus-ratus' sudah pun ditahan kerana pembabitan dalam keganasan itu. Rangkaian televisyen CCTV menyiarkan rakaman dramatik menunjukkan perusuh menterbalikkan kereta polis dan memecahkan tingkapnya, seorang wanita ditendang ketika terbaring di atas tanah dan bas serta kenderaan lain terbakar. "Semua pemilik kedai di sini amat takut," kata seorang pemilik bar berketurunan Han yang enggan dikenali kepada AFP.

Dia menganggarkan kira-kira 3,000 perusuh Uighur, sebahagian daripada mereka bersenjata belantan kayu dan pisau. Kerajaan wilayah Xinjiang menyalahkan rusuhan itu ke atas Rebiya Kadeer, pemimpin Uighur yang tinggal dalam buangan di Amerika Syarikat, kerana mendalangi ketegangan berkenaan. "Siasatan awal menunjukkan keganasan didalangi pemisah Kongres Uighur Sedunia diketuai Rebiya Kadeer," meurut kenyataan kerajaan yang dipetik Xinhua. Bagaimanapun, kumpulan etnik Uighur dalam buangan, yang sudah lama menentang pemerintahan China di Xinjiang, menuduh pasukan keselamatan bertindak keterlaluan dalam menyuraikan bantahan aman oleh beribu-ribu penduduk, dan berkata polis melepaskan tembakan membabi buta.

Polis pencegah rusuhan dan pasukan keselamatan lain bersenjatakan mesingan dan membawa perisai dilihat di Urumqi semalam, menghalang bantahan selanjutnya, kata wartawan AFP di tempat kejadian. Trak yang membawa anjing polis turut dibawa ke Urumqi dan sebahagian besar kawasan Islam itu ditutup, katanya. Seorang pelancong Amerika memberitahu dia terdengar bunyi tembakan ketika keganasan merebak. "Saya dengar bunyi tembakan dan melihat polis, kereta perisai putih, dua bas dipenuhi tentera dan trak hijau tentera yang diselimuti kanvas bergerak," katanya. – AFP

Friday, June 12, 2009

Berakhirnya Kemelut di Sri Lanka

Kematian presiden LTTE, Veluppillai Prabhakaran,55 tahun memberi gambaran seolah-olah konflik yang telah sekian lama wujud di Sri Lanka bakal berakhir. Konflik perkauman di Sri Lanka umumnya melibatkan kumpulan majoriti, Sinhala yang menguasai pentadbiran dan pemerintahan Sri Lanka dengan puak pemberontak yang bergerak secara gerila melalui LTTE (Pertubuhan Harimau Pembebasan Tamil Eelam). Sinhala kebanyakannya beragama Buddha manakala LTTE pula mewakili golongan Tamil minoriti yang tinggal di utara dan timur Sri Lanka. Pada penghujung Mei yang lalu, LTTE yang diasaskan pada 1976 telah berjaya ditumpaskan melalui tindakan ketenteraan oleh kerajaan Mahindra Rajapakse.

Menelusuri sejarah LTTE, penubuhannya adalah atas desakan untuk membela etnik Tamil dan mendirikan negara sendiri di timur laut Sri Lanka, khusus untuk warganegara Sri Lanka tersebut yang didakwa telah ditindas oleh kaum Sinhala. Konflik mereka telah bermula sejak Sri Lanka memperoleh kemerdekaan dari pihak British pada tahun 1948 lagi. Walaupun sebelum merdeka kedua-dua pihak Sinhalis dan Tamil bersatu, kerjasama mereka tidak dapat dikekalkan selepas merdeka. Antara sebab utama adalah sikap diskriminasi pihak kerajaan Sinhalis dalam dasar-dasar kerajaan untuk memperbaiki tahap sosio-ekonomi penduduk. Antara tindakan diskriminasi tersebut adalah :

* Kaum Tamil tidak diberi peluang yang sepatutnya sehingga wujud rasa tidak puas hati dalam kalangan mereka. Perkara ini termasuklah penyebaran agama Budha dan penguatkuasaan bahasa Sinhala sebagai bahasa rasmi pada tahun 1930-an sedangkan janji asal yang dimetrai bersama kaum Tamil sebenarnya turut melibatkan bahasa Tamil. (Perjanjian tersebut membabitkan pengajaran bahasa Tamil kepada kanak-kanak Tamil dan sebaliknya).
* Penggunaan slogan “Sinhalese Only” yang mana kakitangan kerajaan dari kaum Tamil dipaksa mempelajari bahasa Sinhala dalam masa tiga tahun atau dipecat daripada jawatan mereka. (Polisi ini menjadikan sektor awam bukan lagi pilihan kaum Tamil untuk mendapatkan pekerjaan).
* Pengambilan pekerja daripada kaum Sinhalis turut merebak ke dalam sektor-sektor lain seperti pengangkutan, perindustrian, profesional dan teknikal serta pentadbiran dan pengurusan. (Peluang pekerjaan untuk kaum Tamil semakin tipis).
Pelaksanaan kuota bagi pendidikan tinggi menyebabkan pelajar kaum Tamil di universiti-universiti awam begitu sedikit terutama di dalam bidang-bidang kritikal seperti sains, kejuruteraan dan perubatan.
* Perlindungan khas terhadap agama Budha di dalam perlembagaan negara menjadi titik tolak penentangan daripada penganut agama lain khususnya di kalangan Tamil.
* Pihak kerajaan Sri Lanka juga melaksanakan pemindahan kaum secara besar-besaran sebagai strategi penindasan kaum minoriti. (Kaum Tamil misalnya dipindahkan ke bahagian utara dan timur Sri Lanka menyebabkan mereka mudah bersatu).

LTTE bukanlah sebarangan kumpulan pemberontak. Mereka mempunyai organisasi yang tersusun serta pasukan marin dan udaranya sendiri dan jumlah askar dikatakan mencapai 15 000 pada penghujung tahun lepas. Tidak hairanlah jika konflik di Sri Lanka ini sukar diredakan walaupun
berdepan secara langsung dengan tindakan pemerintah dan pada 2006, Kesatuan Eropah menyatakan LTTE adalah pengganas disebabkan penentangan ke atas pemimpin kerajaan serta serangan berani mati yang kerap dilakukan oleh mereka. Harun Yahya di dalam tulisannya pernah mengatakan akibat tindakan kumpulan pemisah LTTE ini turut mendatangkan kepayahan kepada ramai umat Islam yang berada di bahagian utara dan timur Sri Lanka. Sebahagian kecil kaum Sinhala pula sudah mula memerangi umat Islam yang juga kaum minoriti di Sri Lanka.

LTTE di Sri Lanka memilih perjuangan menuntut hak melalui kekerasan selepas usaha menuntutnya secara baik tidak dipandang oleh pihak kerajaan. Sebagaimana gerakan pemisah di bahagian lain dunia (Filipina, Thailand, Bosnia dan sebagainya), penindasan ke atas etnik, bangsa, budaya serta agama menjadi sebab utama kebangkitan mereka. Mereka bangkit dari sejarah dan cuba mengolah sejarah yang baru. Kita sebagai pihak pemerhati perlu adil dalam menilai sesuatu gerakan pemisah serta label pengganas yang diberikan kepada mana-mana kumpulan pemberontak ataupun kumpulan pemisah di dunia. Sikap pesimis yang hanya memberi labelan pengganas kepada pejuang Islam mesti dielakkan.

Wardah bt Abdul Rahman

Aktivis SPAQ, Pulau Pinang

Friday, May 15, 2009

Seketika bersama pelarian Rohingya di Pulau Pinang

Di Malaysia, secara keseluruhannya terdapat 46 ribu orang pelarian dan kira-kira 14 700 orang daripada mereka terdiri daripada pelarian Rohingya yang menghadapi masalah pengiktirafan kewarganeraan di negara asal mereka, Myanmar. Daripada jumlah ini pula, dianggarkan 500 pelarian Rohingya menetap dan bekerja di Pulau Pinang.

Baru-baru ini, sebuah badan bukan kerajaan (NGO) di Pulau Pinang telah mengambil inisiatif untuk membantu pelarian Rohingya yang berada di negeri ini mendapatkan kad ataupun pas khas yang dikeluarkan oleh United Nations High Commisioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Saya bersama seorang rakan turut sama terlibat sebagai sukarelawan membantu sepanjang 2 hari proses pengumpulan data mereka dilakukan oleh NGO ini.

Mengapa pelarian Rohingya memerlukan pas UNHCR? Mereka amat memerlukan pas ini untuk mengelak dari ditangkap oleh pihak berkuasa. Dengan adanya pas ini, mereka dapat bekerja dan hidup dengan lebih aman tanpa perlu bimbang akan keselamatan diri mereka. Kad ini tidak menjamin aspek kebajikan, kesihatan atau pendidikan di negara mereka berada kini. Kebanyakan pelarian Rohingya sukar mendapatkan kad ini kerana mereka perlu berulang ke pejabat UNHCR di Kuala Lumpur beberapa kali dan terdapat kes di mana kad mereka masih gagal diluluskan. Melalui bantuan yang dilakukan NGO ini, diharapkan UNHCR dapat membuat perangkaan sebenar jumlah orang Rohingya seterusnya memudahkan permohonan mereka.

Saya turut mengambil peluang bertanya secara langsung kepada orang Rohingya yang datang tentang keadaan sebenar dan sebab mereka melarikan diri dari Myanmar. Kebanyakan mereka memberitahu di sana (Myanmar), mereka tidak dibenarkan bekerja oleh askar junta. Ini menyebabkan mereka berdepan dengan masalah ekonomi serta hidup yang sukar. Boleh dikatakan separuh dari orang Rohingya yang saya jumpa adalah ketua keluarga yang terpakasa meninggalkan isteri serta anak-anak mereka untuk keluar mencari rezeki di negara asing. Mereka datang dengan menaiki bot ataupun melalui jalan darat. Ada juga di kalangan mereka yang pernah ditahan oleh pihak berkuasa Thailand selama beberapa bulan. Dalam tahanan, mereka dimarahi dan dikasari kerana masuk secara haram.

Amalan solat berjamaah di masjid juga dihalang oleh askar Myanmar. Keadaan ini berlaku setiap kali mereka inin bersolat Jumaat ataupun solat berjamaah di waktu malam. Jelas, pihak junta tidak membenarkan orang Rohingya Muslim berkumpul beramai-ramai walaupun hanya untuk beribadah. Hasrat untuk mendirikan masjid tidak dibenarkan malah pembaikan masjid lama yang sedia ada juga dihalang.

Di Myanmar, orang Rohingya hidup dalam satu kelompok dan pergerakan mereka sangat terbatas. Menurut seorang responden, mereka perlu membawa pas yang diberi oleh pihak berkuasa Myanmar ke mana sahaja mereka pergi. Ada yang dihalang bersekolah kerana tidak membawa pas ini! Selain itu, pergerakan mereka ke kampung-kampung bersebelahan dihalang.

Ramai di antara orang Rohingya yang bercerita tentang kerja paksa yang mereka lakukan. Pada bila-bila masa, askar Myanmar gemar masuk ke kampung-kampung mereka dan memaksa golongan lelaki menjadi buruh paksa tanpa dibayar gaji. Ada juga yang pernah diperas ugut untuk menyerahkan ternakan ataupun sebarang harta yang ada di dalam rumah mereka.

Banyak lagi penyiksaan hidup di Myanmar yang diceritakan kepada saya. Masing-masing mempunyai sejarah hidup getir. Ini baru keadaan di negara asal mereka. Di Malaysia, masalah lain pula terpaksa mereka hadapi.

Terdapat satu kes di mana lelaki Rohingya ini, Harun namanya (seingat saya) masuk secara sah ke Malaysia 15 tahun dahulu. Dia masih mempunyai salinan permit imegresen yang dikeluarkan oleh pihak kerajaan Malaysia. Walau bagaimanapun, dia gagal memperbaharui permit tersebut kerana karenah pegawai yang makan rasuah. Kisahnya diceritakan secara terperinci kepada saya. Hingga kini sudah 5 kali dia ditahan pihak berkuasa Malaysia. Dia pernah dipenjara dan pernah juga dipaksa memberi rasuah agar dilepaskan.

Rohingya adalah pelarian, bukannya pendatang kerana mereka masuk ke negara jiran akibat tekanan berada di negara asal yang 'membuang' etnik ini. Walaupun ada sebilangan kecil yang bergama Buddha, Rohingya adalah etnik minoriti yang majoritinya beragama Islam. Mereka sering menghadapi masalah dengan pihak berkuasa di sini kerana tiada kad UNHCR bukannya kerana masalah jenayah. Syukur, kita tidak berada di tempat mahupun di negara asal mereka. Mudah-mudahan sedikit bantuan yang diberikan bakal meringankan masalah mereka di sini.



Wardah bt Abdul Rahman
Aktivis Skuad Penyelamat Aqidah (SPAQ)

Wednesday, April 29, 2009

Rohingya yang Belum Terbela


Pelarian Rohingya masih belum terbela nasib mereka di bumi Malaysia. Sedarkah kita bahawa walaupun Malaysia memberi ruang untuk mereka di bumi ini, negara kita masih belum mempunyai polisi atau akta khas yang khusus bagi menjaga kebajikan mereka.

Isu pelarian bukanlah perkara yang baru kerana selepas 6 tahun Pertubuhan Bangsa-Bangsa Bersatu (PBB) ditubuhkan, Suruhanjaya Tinggi Pertubuhan Bangsa-Bangsa Bersatu berkenaan Pelarian (UNHCR) pula ditubuhkan pada tahun 1951. Malaysia umumnya adalah salah sebuah negara yang turut sama menerima kehadiran pelarian Rohingya dan kemasukan mereka diterima baik kerana Malaysia sememangnya tertakluk kepada peraturan atau tindakan umum ke atas pelarian yang diwajibkan oleh Pertubuhan Bangsa-bangsa Bersatu. Benar, warga Rohingya yang datang tidak dizalimi sepertimana mereka dizalimi di Thailand, tetapi perihal kebajikan mereka belum tentu terjaga. Malah, mereka sebenarnya bakal berdepan dengan Akta Imigresen yang boleh membawa kepada dakwaan memasuki negara secara haram.

Pada asasnya, pelarian Rohingya tidak mempunyai taraf kewarganegaraan Myanmar kerana pihak kerajaan Myanmar tidak mengakuinya. Di sinilah timbulnya konflik apabila kerajaan Malaysia sukar menghantar pulang golongan Rohingya telah yang memasuki negara secara haram. Rohingya yang berada di Malaysia pula hanya mempunyai kad pengesahan yang dikeluarkan oleh UNHCR kepada mereka. Sesetengah mereka ada yang tidak mendapatkannya secara langsung tetapi memperolehnya selepas dibantu oleh pihak-pihak yang prihatin dengan mereka di Malaysia ini.

Ingin ditekankan bahawa pengurusan pelarian terpulang kepada negara yang menerima mereka. Melihat kemelut status kewarganegaraan serta desakan hidup yang makin menyeksa di bumi asal mereka, Myanmar, sudah pasti tujuan mereka menjadi pelarian di negara lain adalah untuk memperoleh kehidupan yang lebih baik. Sewajarnya Malaysia perlu menggubal akta khas agar nasib golongan pelarian khususnya kaum Muslim Rohingya lebih terbela.

Sektor pendidikan dilihat sebagai wadah terbaik untuk mendidik generasi muda Rohingya yang kian bertambah daripada terus terbelenggu dengan krisis serta nasib hidup mereka yang lama. Setakat ini, hanya beberapa individu serta badan bukan kerajaan mengambil inisiatif sendiri mengadakan kelas tambahan mengajar Bahasa Inggeris dan Bahasa Melayu kepada anak-anak Rohingya yang tidak diberi peluang memasuki sistem persekolahan di negara ini. Sudahlah kemelut yang melanda mereka tidak pernah surut, pendidikan yang diharapkan boleh membuka minda generasi baru Rohingya pula tidak menyokong kehadiran mereka di dalam sistemnya.

Selain pendidikan, seribu satu kaedah lain yang boleh difikirkan dan diambil tindakan serius oleh kerajaan. Rohingya adalah kaum seagama kita. Sudah semestinya kita wajar turut sama memikirkan dan menjaga kebajikan mereka.



Teringat saya pada pesakit-pesakit Myanmar yang datang ke klinik, tempat saya bekerja sambilan. Benar kata Abg Mat, rupa mereka seakan warganegara Bangladesh campur Melayu. Melihat kedut wajah serta tangan yang pejal berparut luka, terbayang kerja keras yang mereka lakukan di siang hari. Pasti mereka tidak bertangguh membeli ubat untuk sakit yang dialami, dengan harapan dapat bekerja dengan baik keesokan hari, mencari rezeki di bumi orang. Bagaimana pula agaknya nasib kaum Rohingya yang belum tentu pekerjaan mereka di sini, yang belum tentu layak untuk mendapatkan rawatan kesihatan di sini?



Wardah bt Abdul Rahman
Aktivis Skuad Penyelamat Aqidah (SPAQ)
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